Popular Culture Review Vol. 23, No. 1, Winter 2012 | Page 91

Professor Dress 87 was too unconventional, and may have involved too much (and, of course, conflicting) culture. Table 2: Incidence Percentages by Condition Condition Trials Incidence Tie 28 11.5% No tie 36 5.0% floral 13 4.5% Non-Floral 51 8.7% No Floral or tie 25 5.9% Floral and tie 12.5% Attire and Cultural Distance Attire is one aspect of culture, which also includes dance and music, medicine and food, floral arrangement and architecture, and much else in between. Because the term is so far-reaching, and because it has been understood to mean something “super-individual” and amorphous, the idea of a Cultural Sociology was long ago considered impossible (Abel, 1930). However, culture need not be seen as something amorphous and incalculable. Rather, culture can be counted, and measured (Black, 1976:63). It can even be used geometrically, to locate social actors or agents, as well as to identify distances between them. Various aspects of this approach—its epistemology of pure sociology (Black 1979, 1995), its explanatory strategy of social geometry (Black 1990:854, 1995:851), and its theory of social control (Black, 1976)—have been used to study a wide range of settings, including executives (Morrill, 1995), the mentally ill (Horwitz, 1984), children in a day-care center (Baumgartner, 1992), and even reality show interactions (Godard, 2004). Black has theorized two types of cultural distance, resulting from variations in amount and in degree of conventionality. Black uses these distances to predict legal behavior, variation in the application of law (1976:3) In the first type, legal action is greater in a direction towards less culture—such as from a professor towards a student—rather than the reverse (Black, 1976:65). In the second type, law is greater in a direction towards less conventionality—such as from a professor towards a palm reader—than towards more (Black, 1979:69). Professors are thus more likely to apply law against a student or palm reader, than either would against a professor. Professors, then, have theoretically high immunity to law, due both to their high cultural quantity and their relative cultural conventionality. Moreover, both the predictions about law and the summary expectation of professorial immunity are enhanced as cultural distance increases: A professor would be even more immune from legal complaints by an elementary school student. But law varies inversely with other forms of social control (1976:9), all of which are explained with the same body of theory. A professor with maximal cultural distance from potential complainants might thus be more exposed to gossip, ridicule, or simply avoidance. This body of t