Popular Culture Review Vol. 20, No. 1, Winter 2009 | Page 103

The Great Leather Generation Swindle 99 and whose cultural references were both more modem and more global. The publishing industry reacted to this radical change of their destiny by creating a literary tendency especially tailored for the “new Spanish readers,” that naturally promoted young authors whose only required quality was to have been bom no earlier than 1960. As part of the promotion mechanism, established members of the literary world—mainly critics and journalists—celebrated the arrival of these young authors and quickly classified the lot as the new narrative or young narrative, erasing any possible differences between them in order to create the appearance of a literary movement. Hence an artificial collective identity was constructed through the organization of conferences and colloquia, where all the “young writers” were invited to share their common joys and disappointments, dreams and ambitions, disregarding the blatant differences of those bom under Franco’s regime and those who never had the time to feel its repression. For distribution purposes, the authors lent themselves to this ploy and willingly participated in the events; therefore, any awareness of belonging to a group or generation was determined, if not directly forged, by the media for the benefit of the publishing industry. And even if some of the authors concerned had indeed something to say, their individual voices quickly became lost among those of their own so-called generation. To promote and sell the notion of a collective identity, however false it may have been, publishing companies and the media identified certain common traits among the authors who supposedly represented the renewal of modem Spanish literature; not surprisingly, most of the particulars associated with Leather Literature referred directly to U.S. cultural icons and artefacts, in their most commercialized representation, in order to take advantage of a wide, pre existing consumer base. The success of everything “made in the USA,” very noticeable in today’s Spanish cultural landscape,4 could be explained by the eagerness with which the Spanish public embraced the dominant and most distributed elements of popular culture after 40 years of economic, social, and political stagnation: Spain was literally catching up with the rest of the Western world, and consumption seemed to be the fastest track to modernity. And so, the most popular U.S. commercial icons and a