Popular Culture Review Vol. 19, No. 2, Summer 2008 | Page 47

The (Not So) Good Old Days 43 “irrational,” a “cult,” or “possessed.”) While gay affirmative accounts of homophobia are decidedly preferable to the old pathological accounts, they fail to account for the significant role society plays in encouraging homophobia through its construction of heterosexuality and homosexuality. The apparent solution to homophobia and heterosexism, according to therapeutic discourse, would be therapy for individual homophobes. This strong connection between liberalism and therapeutic discourse helps explain why the two are so strongly present on talk shows. According to White, the main discourse/narrative strategy of U.S. television is the therapeutic. She argues that therapeutic discourse easily resonates in American culture; its trajectory of problem-confession-cure is both familiar and comforting (177). While other television genres share this narrative strategy, the talk show is archetypical. While one function of talk shows is to provide us with information that will take away our problems, another significant cultural function is its definition of problems. While therapeutic discourse individualizes problems, through its focus on individual change and its denial of socialization, it also locates the ability to define the nature of the problem in medical authority—in the therapist. As Foucault has noted, the use of therapeutic discourse to define and regulate social conflict has had a long history in the United States and Europe, with the rise of the social sciences in the Victorian era, which established the principle of a scientia sexualis {History o f Sexuality 58). In this historical moment, “sex was constituted as a problem of truth” (56), one that could be answered by the newly developing scientific disciplines of anthropology and psychoanalysis. The project of these “human sciences” is to articulate and represent the inner workings of the individual. The anthropologist and the psychologist examine others in hopes of understanding, ultimately, themselves: “An unveiling of the same .. . Identity separated from itself by a distance” (Foucault, The Order o f Things 340). The abject and the deviant are dissected in the name of truth—a truth that is often driven by a will to power. Similarly, Patricia Morton has documented the deluge of racist and sexist research produced at the turn of the 19th century that served to quell anxiety about social upheaval and to defend the social order. Sociologists, historians, geneticists, phrenologists, and other authorities used biological and environmental arguments to pathologize African-Americans as a way of justifying racial inequality (18). From their foundation, these professions have participated in a racist tradition, whose legacy may be the tendency to explain inequality by examining essentialized characteristics of the marginalized, rather than the conditions of oppression that create them—as the continued circulation of the “culture of poverty” thesis suggests. Talk shows play directly into this therapeutic dynamic, investigating individuals as a means of investigating marginalized groups. The investigation is not neutral, however. Because the dominance of some classes over others is naturalized, the examination is highly unilateral, based on the perspectives of the