Whitman and Working Class Reform
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frame it, “breathing” with the life of its inhabitants. However, this is not the complex,
hierarchical organism of the conservative reformers. It’s complexity lies in its
equally important, multi-faceted parts. If it has a “head”, it is the combined actions
of its various parts producing a musical whole.
Whitman also embraces the egalitarianism of the radicals in his symphonic
theory of value. As an organic vision is essential to his value theory, so too must
every part be equally essential to the whole. In “Song of Myself,” Whitman embraces
“those who piddle and patter here in collars and tailed coats” as well as those who
are “scrape-lipped a nd pipe-legged” and claims that none are “worms or fleas (10731075).” Additionally, in the piece later entitled “Great are the Myths,” the poet
calls great both “wickedness” and “goodness.” Though Whitman admits that this
is a seeming “paradox”, it is so only in the particular. From a universal, symphonic
position, “the eternal equilibrium of things is great (61-65).” Here, Whitman overtly
rejects particular judgments in lieu of a national scope. From this perspective, all
actions and individuals are equal in their essential contribution to the musical whole.
Symphonic Enlightenment
Whitman’s symphonic theory is a moderate program in that it accepts elements
of both the conservative and radical programs and is novel in its reevaluation of
both. Whereas conservative reformers like Brewster envisioned an organism with
a “head” and “body”. Whitman envisioned an organism whose head was, at most,
the sum total of all workers’ various actions. Whereas radical reformers like Walsh
demanded a forced egalitarianism of wealth. Whitman called for an idealistic
egalitarianism wherein each “section” of a symphony recognized and was
recognized for its essential contribution. How, then, would Whitman’s moderate
vision answer the three questions raised by the advent of the industrial economy?
The poet’s reform is based on a change of mind rather than a change of lifestyle or
distribution of wealth.
First, regarding capital/labor relations. Whitman seems to imply that there
already exists a precedent as to this question, namely, relations as they now stand.
In Whitman’s symphonic theory, the consternation that exists between labor and
capital is a product of the illusion of disparate interests. Once this illusion is exposed,
both “classes” will seek mutual benefit as a means to secure national (and, inherently,
personal) prosperity. Whitman, however, does not state what this future will look
like as he accepts the present, symphonic “movement” as “good” in all its paradox
and seeming contradiction. Second, Whitman sees labor as an essential, though
not premier, element in the Republic. However, because of the nature of his
symphonic theory, this element has no particular interest beyond its contribution
to the national “movement.” Therefore, labor’s place, rather than being novel and
unsettled, is already established and justified in the moment. Third, Whitman seeks