International Journal of Indonesian Studies Volume 1, Issue 3 | Page 6

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN STUDIES
SPRING 2016
structures were clustered as non-political entities which were specifically focused on rituals,
public life, kin groups, and voluntary initiatives. Whilst the civic and religious organisations
of these groups are supported by laws and religious obligations, the essence of Balinese
society is commitment to a symbiotic relationship to communal (civic/religious)
participation. This attitude has historically developed from three basic principles of Hindu
philosophy, called tri hita karana. This threefold principle advocates that serenity and
happiness results from harmonious relationships between individuals and the gods,
between humans, as well as between humans and their surroundings. The root of tri hita
karana can be found in the Hindu scriptures: the Bhagavad Gita,1 states:
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Article 10: When he created creatures in the beginning, along with the
sacrifice, Prajapati said: ‘May you be fruitful by this sacrifice, let this be the
cow which produces all you desire.
Article 11: ‘You should nourish the gods with this so that the gods may
nourish you; nourishing each other, you shall achieve the highest good.
Article 12: ‘For nourished by the sacrifice, the gods will give you the pleasures
you desire. ‘The man who enjoys these gifts without repaying them is no
more than a thief.’

These three basic principles of social organisation influence Balinese religious activities. The
participation of family members in banjar, desa pakraman, or the majority of desa
pakraman really depends on the level of ritual activity. Various rituals can be broadly
categorised under three main conditions; the divine, the human and the environment. The
essence of rituals in Balinese society is similar to Hindu rituals in other regions of Asia such
India and Sri Lanka; differences arise however in the implementation, setting and contexts
which are influenced by culture, traditions and customs. In addition to these differences, the
Balinese have specific and unique ritual practices, in which processions are an integral part
of religious festivals, supported by both banjar and desa pakraman. One of these rituals is
the cremation ceremony. According to Hindu philosophy, death entails the release of the
soul from the body, in which the body will disappear whilst the soul will stay in the spirit
world awaiting the next life through reincarnation.2 But in the Balinese tradition, death
signals the beginning of the life cycle in which it is based on most anthropological
descriptions (Lansing, 1995: 32). A cremation in Balinese language is called “pelebon” or
“ngaben” (pelebon=cremation, ngaben=great effort). The ceremony in Balinese society in
part constitutes a form of domestic ritual overseen by the family of the deceased, which
carries great responsibility. Indeed, it may be said that this ceremony is owned and practised
by the Balinese family members.

1
2

See the Bhagavad Gita (III. 10-12) translated by Johnson (1994: 15-6).
The Wrhaspati Tattwa, article 52, states that ‘dead’ is the release of the soul from the body in which the body
will be disappeared, on the other hand the soul will still be there in the world awaiting the next life cycle into
reincarnation.

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