Vermont Bar Journal, Vol. 40, No. 2 Spring 2014, Vol. 40, No. 1 | Page 17

District Court Opinions to Date As of this writing no court has yet rendered an opinion as to the constitutionality of “Prism,” “Muscular,” “Boundless Informant,” or Xkeyscore,” but two district court judges have come to two opposite conclusions about the legality of the NSA’s collection of bulk telephone records. The Leon Decision9 In Klayman v. Obama et al., Judge Richard Leon, of the District Court of the District of Columbia, begins with a discussion of  Smith v. Maryland,10  which the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISC) has said “squarely control[s]” when it comes to “[t]he production of telephone service provider metadata.”11 The Supreme Court held that Smith had no reasonable expectation of privacy in the numbers dialed from his phone because he voluntarily transmitted them to his phone company, and because it is generally known that phone companies keep such information in their business records.12  Judge Leon concluded that the NSA’s bulk records collection was a different kettle of fish. He writes, “Put simply, people in 2013 have an entirely different relationship with phones than they did thirty-four years ago.” He notes that records that once revealed a few tiles now reveal an entire mosaic—a vibrant and constantly updating picture of the person’s life … Whereas some may as- www.vtbar.org sume that these cultural changes will force people to ‘reconcile themselves’ to an ‘inevitable’ ‘diminution of privacy that new technology entails,’ … I think it is more likely that these trends have resulted in a greater expectation of privacy, and a recognition that society views that expectation as reasonable.13 Judge Leon calls the program “Orwellian”14 and concludes I cannot imagine a more “indiscriminate” and “arbitrary invasion” than this systematic and high-tech collection and retention of personal data on virtually every single citizen for purposes of querying and analyzing it without prior judicial approval. Surely, such a program infringes on “that degree of privacy” that the Founders enshrined in the Fourth Amendment. Indeed, I have little doubt that the author of our Constitution, James Madison, who cautioned us to beware “the abridgement of freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachments by those in power,” would be aghast.15   The Pauley Decision16   In ACLU v. Clapper, Judge William Pauley, presiding in the Southern District for New York, came to just the opposite conclusion concerning the NSA’s collection of bulk telephone records. Dismissing the ACLU’s statutory claims out of hand he wrote:  The ACLU would never have learned about the Section 215 order authorizing collection of telephony metadata related to its telephone num- THE VERMONT BAR JOURNAL • SPRING 2014 bers but for the unauthorized disclosures by Edward Snowden. Congress did not intend that targets of Section 215 orders would ever learn of them … It cannot possibly be that lawbreaking conduct by a government contractor that reveals state secrets and the means and methods of intelligence gathering could frustrate Congress’s intent. To hold otherwise would spawn mischief: recipients of orders would be subject to section 2l5’s secrecy protocol confining challenges to the FISC, while targets could sue in any federal district court.17 Taking Terabytes Out of the Constitution Hopefully Congressional testimony and litigation will provide answers to some of the important questions: What is collected? How is it accessed? What is being done with it? Judge Pauley’s position leaves one to wonder: 1. How could millions of Americans be considered “targets” under any conceivable surveillance scheme?; 2. How can Judge Pauley be so certain as to congressional intent when one of the principal authors of the Patriot Act says the NSA has misinterpreted his intent and when the Director of the NSA, James Clapper, has famously lied to the U.S. Senate about what the NSA is doing?18; 3. Furthermore, of what importance, if any, is Congressional intent when the fundamental issue is the Constitutionality of the law itself?; and 4. If Snowden’s disclosures reveal that the executive branch is violating the Constitution, why shouldn’t they be considered, especially when whistleblowers such as Thomas Tamm, Thomas Drake, and William Binney, who tried to disclose illegal activity through the management chain, found themselves subjected to FBI 17